Unraveling the Complexities of Manipur's Identity Conflict

 (This blog has been created with comprehensive contributions from my friends belonging to the Maitei and Kuki communities in Manipur. They have offered detailed and impartial firsthand insights on the ground-level situation in Manipur. For obvious reasons, they have chosen to remain anonymous. My sincere gratitude to them for helping me understand the situation in Manipur and the reasons for the current situation.)

 

The circumstance in Manipur is perplexing, no doubt. It goes past the battle between identities. Strict faultlines have just intensified the circumstance despite the fact that it is a viewpoint either disregarded or specifically told as a "battle between Hindu Meiteis and tribals." Illegal infiltration is at the core of this issue. All things considered, there is a vile plot at play and history is observer to it. Misdirecting established press reports also have straightforwardly favored one side, obviously so. Notwithstanding how that might be, Northeast, sadly, keeps on enduring the worst part.

 

Viciousness broke out between generally Hindu Meiteis and Christian Kukis on third May during a Tribal Solidarity March' coordinated by the All Tribal Student Union Manipur (ATSUM) in the Churachandpur region's Torbung region to go against the interest of the Meeteis for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.

 

While the ancestral gatherings have been restricting the Meitei people group's interest for ST status for a really long time, the new fights and violence were set off by a Manipur High Court request on 27 March, directing the Manipur government to submit suggestions to the association government for the consideration of Meitei in the ST list. The court had given the request after a few petitions documented by Meitei activists looking for the said bearing.

 

Meiteis have been looking for the ST status beginning around 1981 when the then CM Rishang Keishing brought the issue up in the state get together. In 1995, they were allowed the Backward Classes (OBC) status. Two sub-castes inside the Meiteis - Chakpas (recently known as lois) and Thoubal Khunous (earlier called Yaithibis) - were at that point distinguished as Scheduled Castes (SC) in 1956.

 

The Meiteis have made numerous solicitations by submitting updates to the state and the center beginning around 2013 in such manner yet without much of any result. In 2012, the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee of Manipur (STDCM) was framed which presented the principal such notice in November 2012 to the then Governor Gurbachan Singh Jagat.

 

In December same year, one more notice was presented by the STDCM to the then Congress CM Okram Ibobi Singh.

 

On 29 May 2013, the Service of Ancestral Undertakings kept in touch with the Manipur govt looking for a particular suggestion on the consideration of Meiteis in the ST show; it likewise looked for the most recent socio-economic survey information and an ethnographic report on Meiteis. It has been 10 years yet no entries have been made by the state because of the Center’s letter. This in spite of 30 representations made to the state and 10 to the Central govt.

 

Why do the Meiteis want ST status? Who are they?

 

Meiteis, also known as Meetei or Manipuri, make up the majority of the state of Manipur's population (about 53%, according to figures from the 2011 census). The Pangals, who are Muslims and make up the majority of Meiteis, are Hindus. They are currently classified as OBCs.

 

It is interesting to note that the Meiteis were a "tribe among tribes of Manipur" when the Merger Agreement of Manipur into the Union of India was signed on September 21, 1949. After Manipur joined India, their ST status was removed. The Meiteis didn't protest when they were removed from the ST list since SC-ST status wasn't sought after at the time, the reserve wasn't that large, and even government positions weren't valued as highly as they are now.

 

Significantly, it is worth noting that Meiteis in Manipur, who constitute a majority of the population, are confined to a mere 2,000 sq km area within the shrinking Imphal valley. This area comprises East and West Imphal, Thoubal, Kakching, Bishnupur, and Jiribam. Despite the state's total area being 22,327 sq km, the Meitei community occupies only about 10% of the land and has no rights to acquire land beyond this limited region. Purchasing or occupying land in the tribal hill districts, which account for 90% of Manipur's land, is prohibited for non-tribals.

 

The World Meetei Council emphasizes that restoring the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status is crucial for the community's survival. The Meitei community faces economic challenges, with a significant number living in poverty. Among the indigenous communities in the Northeast, Meitei is one of the smallest, smaller than Naga, Khongjai (Kuki), Tai-ahom, and others. Historically isolated and disconnected from mainland India, the Meitei community now has a relatively small population of approximately 17 lakhs, with around 14 lakhs in India, 2 lakhs in Manipur, and the rest scattered across other northeastern states and cities in India. This dispersal leads to social and cultural discomfort. The community's per capita income is meager, at Rs 70,000/- only, and about 32.59% of the population lives below the poverty line. While the literacy rate is 79%, the lack of access to higher education due to economic challenges remains a concern.

 

In December 2019, responding to the concerns raised by the Meitei community, the Central government extended the Inner Line Permit (ILP) system to Manipur. This move was made to address the fears among the Meiteis about the potential loss of their land. The Inner Line Permit system regulates the entry of outsiders into certain regions, including Manipur, to protect the rights and interests of the local population, in this case, the Meiteis, and control the ownership and use of land within the state.

 

Who are the Kukis, and what are the reasons behind their opposition to conferring ST status on Meiteis?

 

The Kuki tribe in Manipur, primarily Christian, comprises over 20 sub-tribes and is also known as CHIKIM – Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi – and CHIKUMI. Believed to have migrated from the Chin state of Myanmar, some settled in Bengal and came to be known as Kukis.

 

Another significant tribal group in Manipur consists of several Naga tribes, but they have chosen to remain distant from the current conflict. While opposing the granting of ST status to Meiteis, they have not participated in the ongoing protests and violence.

 

It is worth noting that Kukis are relatively new to Manipur, having migrated from Myanmar in the 18th and 19th centuries due to persecution by more powerful groups. This migration, known as the Great Kuki Exodus, brought a significant number of Kukis from the Mizo and Chill hills to Manipur.

 

The reasons for Kukis' migration to Bengal, Mizoram, and eventually Manipur were diverse. The Meitei kings, facing occasional raids by Nagas, settled Kuki tribes from Myanmar to act as demographic buffers, known as Old Kukis or Khongjais. Additionally, the British settled immigrant Kukis in the area for similar reasons.

 

Despite being incorporated into Manipur's population due to historical circumstances, Kukis were not necessarily original inhabitants of the region, unlike the Meiteis and Nagas. Ongoing migration from Myanmar, driven by the volatile situation and inter-group conflicts, has created tension, with Meiteis alleging that local Kukis aid Burmese Kukis in illegal immigration and settling on forest land.

 

Despite their differences, Kukis and Meiteis have coexisted in Manipur. However, Kukis argue that Meiteis no longer possess the characteristics of a tribe, suggesting that the introduction of Hinduism by the King around the 1730s led to the loss of their tribal identity.

 

According to prominent Kuki leader Wilson L Hangsing, Meiteis who can identify with their sub-tribes under the Meitei umbrella may demand ST status, but he sees the overall demand, including by Brahmins who are not indigenous, as propaganda. The Kuki leader contends that the caste identity of Brahmin Meiteis remains unchanged despite any loss of ethnic identity.

 

Kukis constitute 26% of Manipur's population and predominantly occupy 90% of the land, mainly in the southern hills, including Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, Chandel, and Tengnoupal districts. The northern region, comprising Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong, and Chandel districts, is mainly occupied by the Naga tribe, accounting for 17% of the state's population. Historically, Nagas have had amicable ties with Meiteis, with some Nagas integrating into the Meitei population.

 

Regarding the current situation, Nagas have distanced themselves from the conflict, and both Nagas and Kukis have the right to purchase land in the Imphal Valley.

 

Since 1980, there have been demands for a separate 'Kukiland,' particularly after the emergence of Kuki-Zomi insurgent groups like the Kuki National Organisation (KNO), Kuki National Army (KNA), and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA). Recently, Kukis have sought the establishment of a Kukiland Territorial Council, akin to the Bodoland Territorial Council in Assam.

 

Planned infiltration, encroachment, and the menace of drugs.

 

Initially, the conflict appears to revolve around issues of identity and the demand for ST status among the Meiteis. However, the situation is more complex than that. The state of Manipur faces significant challenges due to the influx of illegal migrants from Myanmar and Bangladesh, the emergence of illegal villages, poppy cultivation, and terrorism. These factors directly threaten the state's demography and resources, leading to a growing demand for the implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) among the Meitei community.

 

According to Meitei allegations, Kukis from Myanmar and Bangladesh have been crossing the border illegally, seizing land, and finding refuge with their distant relatives who moved to India decades ago. This has also facilitated the expansion of the drug trade.

 

The Kukis have been occupying large areas of forest land and converting them into poppy plantations, leading to a thriving opium trade. Alongside the poppy farms, illegal villages have been cropping up in the hill districts, particularly in the protected and reserved forest areas of CHIKUMI districts. Many of these encroachers are Burmese Kukis who have migrated illegally, with their numbers increasing since the coup in Myanmar in February 2021.

 

In response, the N. Biren Singh government has launched extensive crackdowns on encroachment and poppy cultivation since coming to power. Although security forces have been destroying poppy fields, they keep resurfacing.

 

Additionally, the government has taken action against several illegally built churches on lands under reserved and protected forests. Despite repeated notices from the government to the villages, there has been no compliance but rather open defiance. Both the Meiteis and the Nagas have strongly supported the state government's eviction efforts.

 

Some allege that the demand for ST status among the Meiteis was a pretext for violence, and the real motive behind the unrest is opposition to the crackdown on encroachment and poppy cultivation. Furthermore, it is suggested that the demolition of illegal churches might have also contributed to the tensions.

 

To address the issue of large-scale illegal poppy cultivation, the Manipur government launched a campaign against drugs in 2017. This illicit cultivation is mainly concentrated in the hill districts of Ukhrul, Senapati, Kangpokpi, Kamjong, Churachandpur, and Tengnoupal.

 

Data from 2017 to 2023 indicates that 2,518 arrests have been made. Interestingly, the highest number of arrests were among Muslims, followed by Kuki-Chin, Meitei, and others.

 

A total of 15,496 acres of poppy cultivation have been discovered. Among these, Kuki-Chin tribes recorded 13,121.8 acres, Nagas recorded 2,340 acres, and other communities accounted for 35 acres.

 

The crackdown is in response to the escalating issues of drug abuse and trafficking, particularly among the youth. The drug problem has even reached the political circles of Manipur.

 

Furthermore, the Meiteis have demanded the sealing of the India-Myanmar border due to the influx of "terrorist groups." The situation in Manipur remains intricate, requiring comprehensive efforts from the government and cooperation from various communities in the state to address the interrelated challenges.

 

Conflicts in Manipur

 

The Burmese occupation of Assam for seven years (1817-1826) had repercussions in neighboring Manipur, known as Chahi-Taret Khumtakpa, the seven years of devastation. In later years, clashes between Nagas and Kukis in 1992 and communal clashes between Pangals (Muslims) and Meiteis (Hindus) in 1993 resulted in significant fatalities. Notably, 3rd May has since been observed as a black day or Shaheedi Memorial Day by Pangals, who have their own armed groups, including All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organization (AMMSO), All Manipur Muslim Girl Students’ Organization (AMMGSO), and Pangal (Manipur Muslim) Political Forum (PPF).

 

The existence of the People’s United Liberation Front (PULF) is a less discussed factor, raising concerns about terrorism in Manipur, especially since 2006, when three Pangals were arrested with arms and ammo by the Delhi police. In 2018, the All Manipur Muslims Organisation Coordinating Committee (AMMOCOC) called for a bandh against the state's eviction drive, despite Chief Minister N Biren Singh's advice against communalizing the situation. There are concerns that a particular community in the state, under the guise of religion, is facilitating the entry of illegal migrants.

 

Experts studying the region, particularly Manipur, hold varying views. Some claim that Kukis are not the original natives but were settled in Manipur by the British from Myanmar after the Anglo-Manipur War in 1891. According to an unnamed expert, the Christian-convert Kukis have adopted a separatist-expansionist strategy, demanding a "Kukiland" that encompasses parts of Bangladesh, Burma, and India, leading to conflicts. There are also suggestions that the conflict might be orchestrated from outside India.

 

This situation presents a serious challenge for the Meiteis. The STDCM asserts that the Meiteis' population, which was 59% in 1951, has declined to 44% in 2011, indicating that they are no longer the majority. The trend suggests that this percentage might further decrease in the 2021 census, intensifying concerns for the Meitei community.

 

A letter from the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), a Kuki group, has garnered attention on social media and drawn criticism from non-tribals and experts. The letter openly admits to the distribution of lands and properties formerly owned by Meitei people, raising questions about any inaction by Indian forces, including the Assam Rifles, and declaring a "war for complete separation from the state of Manipur."

 

Anthropologist and Author, Rami Niranjan Desai, argues that the Kukis should not be accepting of illegal infiltrators based on historical or ancestral ties alone. She believes that a community accounting for 30% to 40% of the population cannot be considered a minority. The tribals in Manipur constitute around 47% of the population, which forms a crucial reason for Hindu Meiteis to demand a level-playing field. The complex dynamics in Manipur require careful consideration to address historical, communal, and demographic challenges effectively.

 

In Summary

 

The coverage of Manipur in mainstream media has shown significant bias. Most reports focus on the demand for ST status by the "Hindu majority Meiteis" without adequately explaining the context of their request. These reports extensively discuss tribal casualties, portray the crackdown on encroachments and poppy cultivation negatively, and oversimplify the conflict with a majority-minority perspective.

 

One highly underreported aspect of the ongoing conflict is the exodus of Hindus from the Kuki-majority Churachandpur district. Hindu activists claim that the violence on 3rd May was not a tribal vs. non-tribal issue, but rather initiated by Christian tribals aiming to displace Meiteis from Christian-dominated areas. Dr. Khangembam Romesh, an Assistant Professor in JNU, points out that Kukis spreading Christianity among Meiteis has had multiple negative impacts in the region, and churches are being used with a communal approach.

 

Hindu activists highlight the statement issued by the Tribal Churches Leaders' Forum in support of the tribal solidarity march organized by ATSUM. The forum unanimously endorsed the 'Solidary March' of ATSUM on May 1, stating that it aims to collectively protect the social, political, and religious interests of Manipur's tribal people.

 

The faultlines in Manipur cut across various aspects of identity. The available census data from 2011 may not be fully reflective of the current situation, as the world and Manipur have undergone manifold changes since then. The recent conflict sheds light on the evolving ground realities in Manipur. The demand for ST status by Meiteis and the vehement opposition from Kukis are technical details of the main underlying issues facing Manipur today.

 

Tracing the origins of these two communities may not yield immediate solutions to present-day challenges. However, it's essential to note that their ethnic identities also carry a layer of religious identity, contributing to the conflict. Without proactive measures and attention from the broader Indian community to "Look East" and "Act East," the situation may escalate beyond control.